Rather than reducing concentrated market power through “disruption” or “creative destruction,” technological innovation historically has only added to the problem, by awarding monopolies to just one or a few dominant firms. And market forces offer no remedy to the problem; only public policy can provide that.
shows that technological change leads not to disruption, but to deeper, more enduring forms of market power.
The passing of America’s preeminent foreign-policy thinker and practitioner marks the end of an era. Throughout his long and extraordinarily influential career, Henry Kissinger built a legacy that Americans would be wise to heed in this new era of great-power politics and global disarray.
reviews the life and career of America’s preeminent foreign-policy scholar-practitioner.
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发自纽黑文—当美中两国高级官员前几天在阿拉斯加安克雷奇召开会议,试图在经历四年紧张局势后重设双边关系时,让人感到寒意的却不仅仅是天气。而可悲之处则在于与其说此次会议是一个新开端,倒不如说是冷战时代的回光返照。各方需要迅速改变这种状况——在一切都变得无法挽回之前。
在美国两党不断高涨的反华情绪的政治裹挟下,拜登团队似乎仍在坚持上届政府设定的路线,甚至援引人权和地缘政治问题(连其前任都没想到这一手)来作为贸易和技术冲突的谈判筹码,而受困于“百年屈辱”心态的中国则用强硬和戒备性的回应来使问题复杂化。在众多媒体的注目之下,会议一开场就充斥着唇枪舌剑,看不到一丝缓和的迹象。
对此更好的做法则是双方都回归到一些基本点上——长期以来支撑中美关系的经济和贸易事务。这并不意味着要否定其他棘手议题,而是要在扩大议程之前重新建立共通点和互信。这正是拜登政府需要重新思考其对抗性做法的地方,在经济和贸易问题上,它一直被“前人”(拜登用这个词指代上届政府)谈判得来的“第一阶段”贸易协议框住,而这正是实现变革的最大动力。
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