Americans have long seen their country as morally exceptional, but their exceptionalism actually comprises three distinct views. Whichever prevails in next year’s presidential election will have significant implications for ongoing conflicts in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East.
identifies three strands of the concept and their implications for US foreign policy after next year’s election.
With a likely rematch between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in the 2024 US presidential election, America and the rest of the world were heading into a perilous period even before the latest conflagration in the Middle East. Turmoil in the region will cloud the broader economic outlook – and could dim Biden’s chances.
worries global economic and political developments will put Donald Trump back in the White House.
Around the world, foreign-policy strategists are grappling with new international dynamics, from the Sino-American rivalry and ongoing hot wars to the broader breakdown in multilateral global governance. However, there is much debate about whether global power and alignments are truly shifting, and in what ways.
consider whether the world will become more multipolar or “non-aligned” in the new year.
伦敦—因为英国脱欧主导着本月举行的痛苦的英国大选,许多重大政策建议几乎没有得到任何讨论。其中最主要的是右翼保守党计划废除英国国际发展部。既然鲍里斯·约翰逊首相已经取得了议会多数席位,英国国际发展部可能很快就会被并入外交及联邦事务部(FCO),该事务部随后将负责分配英国每年高达140亿英镑(合186亿美元)的年度预算援助。
正如我在年初所指出的那样,保守党的计划可能从根本上解决英国外交队伍裁员这样一个大问题,但却同时制造出一个更大的问题:那就是英国软实力的丧失。英国对消除世界贫困所做的开创性承诺所产生的好处意义深远,而其援助计划则是英国最有价值的全球资产之一。自22年前成立英国国际发展部以来,该部已经使数百万人摆脱贫困,帮助数百万儿童走进校园,并通过领导一项为7亿儿童接种疫苗的计划而挽救了数百万条生命。最近,该机构已经在向面临气候变化影响的贫困国家提供发展援助领域占据了世界领导地位。
约翰逊预计,脱欧后的英国将会需要一个更为强势的外交及联邦事务部来对外施加影响力。但将英国国际发展部纳入外交及联邦事务部的管辖将会破坏英国的全球地位,但却无法提升效率。与外交通常依赖保密因此很少留下审计线索不同,发展工作要求保持透明度,并且在接受外部审查时才能保持最高效率。
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