Americans have long seen their country as morally exceptional, but their exceptionalism actually comprises three distinct views. Whichever prevails in next year’s presidential election will have significant implications for ongoing conflicts in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East.
identifies three strands of the concept and their implications for US foreign policy after next year’s election.
With a likely rematch between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in the 2024 US presidential election, America and the rest of the world were heading into a perilous period even before the latest conflagration in the Middle East. Turmoil in the region will cloud the broader economic outlook – and could dim Biden’s chances.
worries global economic and political developments will put Donald Trump back in the White House.
Around the world, foreign-policy strategists are grappling with new international dynamics, from the Sino-American rivalry and ongoing hot wars to the broader breakdown in multilateral global governance. However, there is much debate about whether global power and alignments are truly shifting, and in what ways.
consider whether the world will become more multipolar or “non-aligned” in the new year.
发自普林斯顿——20世纪30年代的可怕经历应该提醒我们,贸易和货币战争就跟马和马车一样相伴相生。既然美国特朗普政府正在全面实施其保护主义的“美国优先”议程,那么距离一场货币冲突的爆发就只是时间问题而已了。
世界上已经有相当一段时间内没有爆发全面货币战争了,但全球在2008年金融危机之后曾经非常接近这一状况,而时任巴西财政部长吉多·曼特加(Guido Mantega)曾用这个词来形容美国极低的利率。继美国之后,日本和欧洲似乎采取了类似的出口促进战略,汇率贬值成为发达经济体经济复苏的一个鲜为人知的核心特征。
同样,在2012年之后,只有在欧元兑美元开始贬值之后欧元危机才逐渐开始变得易于应对。正如英国许多经济学家已经指出的那样,与欧元区国家相比,灵活的汇率成为了英国应对该时期冲击的独特有效工具。
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