Americans have long seen their country as morally exceptional, but their exceptionalism actually comprises three distinct views. Whichever prevails in next year’s presidential election will have significant implications for ongoing conflicts in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East.
identifies three strands of the concept and their implications for US foreign policy after next year’s election.
With a likely rematch between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in the 2024 US presidential election, America and the rest of the world were heading into a perilous period even before the latest conflagration in the Middle East. Turmoil in the region will cloud the broader economic outlook – and could dim Biden’s chances.
worries global economic and political developments will put Donald Trump back in the White House.
Around the world, foreign-policy strategists are grappling with new international dynamics, from the Sino-American rivalry and ongoing hot wars to the broader breakdown in multilateral global governance. However, there is much debate about whether global power and alignments are truly shifting, and in what ways.
consider whether the world will become more multipolar or “non-aligned” in the new year.
发自剑桥—关于世界经济的评论从来都不乏对加强全球合作的劝谕。“任何地方发生的事情都会影响到所有人......[所以]很显然世界需要更多的......国际协调与合作,”一位国际货币基金组织主要官员在2013年写道。“几乎每一个破坏世界稳定的问题......都是全球性的,只有通过一个全球性联盟方能应对,”一位知名专栏作家在2019年对前者表示响应。
由于美国和其他主要发达经济体日益将其国内议程置于首位,近年来对全球治理不足和多边主义削弱的担忧有所加剧。单边手段已经在贸易、工业政策和气候转型方面占据了主导地位。就连世界贸易组织这个我们逐渐远离的超全球化时代所取得的全球治理最高成就都沦为了一个无所作为的旁观者。
对那些全球主义评论家来说这显然是个坏消息。然而对全球经济来说其后果却不那么明显——还可能是有益的。事实上在一个各国政府都专注于实现自身可持续繁荣和社会凝聚力的世界里全球经济也能良好运转。在仔细审视之下进行全球经济治理的依据其实要比通常预想的要弱得多。
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