Americans have long seen their country as morally exceptional, but their exceptionalism actually comprises three distinct views. Whichever prevails in next year’s presidential election will have significant implications for ongoing conflicts in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East.
identifies three strands of the concept and their implications for US foreign policy after next year’s election.
With a likely rematch between Joe Biden and Donald Trump in the 2024 US presidential election, America and the rest of the world were heading into a perilous period even before the latest conflagration in the Middle East. Turmoil in the region will cloud the broader economic outlook – and could dim Biden’s chances.
worries global economic and political developments will put Donald Trump back in the White House.
Around the world, foreign-policy strategists are grappling with new international dynamics, from the Sino-American rivalry and ongoing hot wars to the broader breakdown in multilateral global governance. However, there is much debate about whether global power and alignments are truly shifting, and in what ways.
consider whether the world will become more multipolar or “non-aligned” in the new year.
剑桥—新冠大流行改变了人们对公共卫生、财政政策和国家在经济中的作用的态度。对于提高开发和生产药物中的供应链韧性和战略自主权的要求催生了“生命科学主权”的概念。
例如,法国总统埃马克龙宣布了一项雄心勃勃的计划,要求法国到 2030 年至少生产 20 种新的生物疗法。在法国公共投资银行的资助下,法国政府的 法国医疗倡议旨在支持国内生物技术生态系统,让法国成为“先锋mRNA 国家”。同样,许多其他国家的政府——从荷兰到英国——正在加倍发展其国内生物技术部门。
这种关注是受欢迎的,但这是否足够?新冠经验表明,要获得少数疫苗和疗法的批准,需要对现有和新化合物进行数百次临床试验——其中许多以失败告终。医疗创新是昂贵的,与之相关的成本和风险往往会被政策制定者和普通公民所误解。
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